The attempted coup d'etat by a faction of Turkey's armed forces on Friday failed for many reasons, including divisions among the military and repeated missteps by the plotters.
Social media and mobile communications also played an important role. And it wasn't the first time this combination has enabled citizens to express their will and have a say in deciding who governs them and why.
Judging from available information, the rebellious faction of mid-level army officers sought to implement the classic playbook for military takeovers -- what in the old days would have been labeled a "colonels' coup," as opposed to one led by generals. They closed key transportation routes, tried to secure both parliament and the presidential offices, and attempted to capture high-ranking officials, including President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and top military brass. They also took over state media outlets, and used state television to broadcast their message and prematurely declare victory.
The instigators soon realized that this classic approach was not sufficient, and moved to take control of private television channels, even shutting down the Turkish affiliate of CNN, an event that was broadcast live around the world.
The objective was conventional: By denying citizens access to alternative sources of news, the rebels would be able to control the narrative, dictating the information that was going out and its interpretation. They would also use this control to energize their small group of collaborators and attempt to persuade others to join them, particularly other factions of the military.
But the putschists failed to sufficiently update the standard coup playbook to take into account the realities of social media and mobile technology. As a result, their attempt to control the information available to ordinary citizens was only partial and the military's message was soon drowned out by domestic and international news outlets with much greater powers of amplification. Then, the advantage the military had initially gained through the element of surprise quickly eroded.
Within hours of the beginning of the coup, Erdogan used the video capability on his mobile phone to communicate with the nation, urging Turks to take to the streets and stand up to the rebels. His message was amplified on social media channels, such as Facebook and Twitter, and supplemented by images of people standing in front of tanks and on top of them.
Social media also played a critical role in relaying -- in real time -- domestic and international support for the president and for Turkey's democratically and legitimately elected government. These messages came from some of Erdogan's internal political critics, too, who used Twitter to condemn the attempted coup, which they said wouldn't bring the right kind of change.
Foreign leaders, including President Barack Obama, echoed the support for Turkish democracy and for Erdogan.
The international and domestic engagement did more than simply feed the curiosity of ordinary Turkish citizens. It countered the certainty about the outcome that the small group of officers in control of state media and some key installations had tried to convey. It also undermined the coup plotters' attempts to convey a state of siege. The flow of information encouraged, empowered and mobilized Turks to confront the rebels and their tanks.