Specifically, the report found that 5 percent of voters in developed nations cast votes for populist candidates in 2010. Last year, the report said, the percentage rose to 35 percent.
Sparks described himself as “very concerned” about the parallels between today’s movement and the period of history that led to the rise of the authoritarian regimes of Adolf Hitler in Germany and Benito Mussolini in Italy, and eventually the start of World War II.
Because of nuclear weapons, he said, “this story can’t end in the same way that that story ended.”
Howe agreed, saying, “Populism, historically speaking, always results in authoritarian figures taking power … That is the nature of the beast.”
Attempting to explain the strength of the populist movement, the analysts agreed that it appears to be driven by a middle-class population that feels a loss of both control and safety.
Populist candidates such as Donald Trump, they said, have taken advantage of this mood by making campaign promises that directly respond to those fears.
That is why the course of events in France will greatly depend on how successful Macron is in building an effective coalition government, Marcussen said.
Where Trump will ultimately stand in the U.S. version of the populist movement remains unclear, the analysts said.
Trump has pursued a traditionally Republican legislative agenda rather than the promises he made in his stump speeches during the course of the campaign, Howe noted.
“He came in on this very populist platform and we haven’t seen much of it yet,” he said.
Sparks said we’re already seeing political parties across all spectrums, including the Democratic Party in the U.S., reshaping their message to respond to these popular sentiments. Democrats, for example, are ready to seize upon the health care issue as a populist-friendly issue if the Republicans repeal Obamacare and leave millions of people stranded without health insurance.