Donald Trump's aides, understanding their leader, vie to be most ostentatious about calling his victory "historic."
That claim deserves close inspection. Certainly Trump's rise to the White House was unusual and surprising, even if only because it produced the least politically experienced and probably least qualified president in American history. It could also have lasting consequences: the shape of the Supreme Court; the prospects for war or peace; the shredding of regulations and the social safety net.
But the truly historic elections reshape or realign U.S. politics. There are many reasons to believe that 2016 isn't one of them.
Generally, political historians believe there were three clear realigning elections. The first was in 1828, when Andrew Jackson mobilized populist passions, moved the center of power westward and ushered in an age of expansionism. Then, in 1896, William McKinley refined the coalition of business and successful farmers that kept Republicans in power for 28 of the next 36 years. In 1932, Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal forged a Democratic Party coalition that also ruled for 28 of 36 years.
Thus, according to Walter Dean Burnham, an authority on American elections, realignments come in 36-year cycles.
Two other elections also shook up voting patterns. One was the contest of 1980, when Ronald Reagan united southern evangelicals and northern working-class Democrats in the Republican fold. Then in 2008 younger voters, suburbanites and members of minority groups made Barack Obama the first African-American president. But these gains proved less decisive and durable.
The same can be expected of 2016.
"The current evidence doesn't suggest this was a realigning election when voters who are Democrats decide to be Republicans or who are Republicans decide to be Democrats," says David Carpenter, professor of American government at Harvard University.
Big shifts of voters from one party to the other didn't occur last month. Both Republicans and Democrats voted 10 to one for their nominee. The difference between Hillary Clinton's 2.1-percent popular-vote advantage and Obama's 3.9-percent margin four years earlier was a slightly higher Republican turnout and a little bit of Democratic drop-off. Trump won in the electoral college by doing better in strategically important swing states.
The difference between realigning elections and all the others is striking. Jackson, McKinley and Roosevelt all won decisively in both the popular vote and the electoral college and changed the face of American politics for a generation. Reagan and Obama also had big victories but their coalitions didn't last.